I'm not sure I should add yet another 2.34 cents of mine here or not, but here goes:
1. TheEngineer's request for parallels between gun control and nuclear disarmament is a good one. In my opinion, however, the two issues are different in kind.
The issue of gun control is either a debate over individual rights vs. the power of the state (my position), or a debate over the relative importance of different individual rights (most people's "erroneous reading of the Constitution" positions. 🙂 ). But nuclear disarmament is a debate of the rights (or power) of one sovereign nation/state vis-a-vis the rights/power of another sovereign nation/state.
To my mind, they are the same question only in the very limited case where the "disarmament" one is talking about is the individual possession of nuclear weapons. Which, save for a few [strike]fruitcakes[/strike] people far farther out there than even me, I don't ever recall anyone seriously considering a debatable question.
However, if they are questions different in kind, I think they are also questions that can be connected.
For example, I would argue that the people most likely to push the nuclear button, are tyrants and true believers. (And the true believers include a certain subset of the religious right Nonstopdrivel is worried about; as Heinlein pointed out seventy years ago in "If This Goes On____".) But I would also argue that the best defense against tyrants and true believers is a well-armed populace.
The greatest danger of nuclear weapons comes from the perceived ability of the decision-maker to distance oneself from the consequences of their use. Why are so many boneheaded "military adventures" not boneheaded because of the military but because of the politicians? Because, in the end, with the exception of certain general officer types (politicians by another name), the military man makes decisions which require him or her to place himself/herself in harm's way.
But the politician, liberal or conservative or anything else, doesn't share that part of the burden of his choices. He might have to write some "Dear Mr. and Mrs. Jones" letters, but, unlike the military officer, he's unlikely to ever get shot by non-friendly fire. And he has the Secret Service, the FBI, even the CIA, not to mention the Army and the Navy and the Marines and the Air Force and the Coast Guard, to insulate himself from the few shots that might be fired in his direction.
That lack of immediate personal accountability is what makes modern weapon technology so much more destabilizing. Indeed, its why, arguably, chemical/biological weapons should be considered even a greater danger than nuclear ones. They're easier to disconnect their consequences from the person deciding their use. Envelopes with anthrax in them and the like.
MAD worked for the Cold War, in that Nagasaki remains the last nuclear shot fired in anger, but it made for lots of anxious moments each time some leader or leaders came to power who thought "limited" or "tactical" use could be made to work. But because nuclear weapons were, and to large extent, I think still are, thought of as strategic weapons, they never have really been disconnectable from the MAD storyline: if country X, then country Y will use 2 on X, and so on until everyone (and most important from the advocate's point of view, the person advocating the initial use) is fried.
Until our current age of terror, of course. Now people worry about the suitcase nuke on the back of your average suicide bomber. Its tactics, not strategy anymore. And the crazy, be he an Osama type or some dictator with an Idi Amin complex, can export the suitcase and stay half a world away from the blast, insulated from paying the penalty by both the suicide bomber's inability to testify and the lack of evidence of his involvement.
Unfortunately, the traditional approaches to nuclear disarmament have typically all been based on visions of the power of states. You get at the incentives for individual dictators and policymakers, if you pay attention to them at all, through giving one state the power to threaten/use force against another. And that leads to either MAD or unilateral-disarmament-and-hope-bad-guys-will-start-acting-nice. One scary as hell and one naive as hell.
But nuclear disarmament (or bio/chem weapon disarmament) is more a problem of supply-chain management. The sovereign states can't be the focus; it's the links in the supply chain, be they the dictator, the bureaucrats, the company managers, the engineers, the semi-truck drivers, whatever.
2. I sort of agree with Nonstop on the "greatest danger" and sort of don't. On the one hand, as the late longshoreman philosopher Eric Hoffer pointed out many years ago, true believers are dangerous. And many of the religious right are in fact true believers, and like most true believers believers that force is justified in pursuit of their cause.
But I would argue that the problem is not the fact that they are "religious" or "on the right." The problem is that they are "true believers."
I think it is interesting that you both quote Brandeis in
Olmstead v. US, and in your own dicta suggest that it might be more applicable to health care reform than, say, nuclear proliferation.
Olmstead, IIRC, was a case about wiretapping used to convict during Prohibition. The majority refused to extend the "search and seizure" protection of the fourth amendment to wiretaps, essentially reasoning that if america wanted to extend the protection to cover wiretap activities, they would have amended the constitution to say so. Brandeis rightly pointed out, and this is why his dissent has been cited with approval far more often than the opinion of the Court, that the search and seizure protection
against state action should not be eliminable by technological change.
To be sure, Brandeis worried about those true believers, who are as often men of good will as they are men of evil. But his primary worry was about those true believers being able to act with the cover of state authority unencumbered by Constitutional protections.
His argument was that without the protection against "search and seizure" being extended to wiretaps, any true believers could abuse state power. Not any particular kind of true believer, but true believers in general.
The true believers of Watergate, for example, the ones that put Brandeis particular fears in
Olmstead to the test, were not from the religious right. Okay, Chuck Colson arguably is now, but his religious awakening came after, not before his abuses of power. And I certainly wouldn't call G. Gordon Liddy a member of the religious right.
2B. I would further argue that the greatest danger to liberty in this country is not, in the end, the true believer, any more than it is liberal politicians (much as I scorn them), terrorists (much as I hate them), or dictators (bad as they are). The greatest danger to liberty is the one Edmund Burke warned about. The greatest danger to liberty is the American people itself. A people who only looks to government as "dealer with and solver of all problems", and in so doing leaves itself prey to the manipulation of those true believers, those amoral politicans, those terrorists, and even, occasionally, those foreign dictators.
But even Burke got only part of it correct, probably because even those radicals he most worried about (the Jacobites, the masses, the Paineites) were, compared the standards of today's mainstream American political discourse, highly informed and thoughtful. The problem has gone beyond "All that is necessary for evil to succeed is that good men do nothing." Unfortunately, now it may be, "All that is necessary for evil to succeed is for good men to remain horribly ignorant."
And do not be conformed to this world, but be transformed by the renewing of your mind, that you may prove what is that good and acceptable and perfect will of God.
Romans 12:2 (NKJV)